President Donald Trump has promised to build a wall along the borders. But no matter how big or wide this mighty wall he has been wanting to create is, there will be problems that follow. Many undocumented workers and Narcotics might find their way across any border barrier though the border patrol ends up missing these regardless. As this wall might just become irrelevant to those of whom become unaccounted for because of immigration they may be overstaying their visas, whom though for many years have had those who became undocumented immigrants by crossing the border between the U.S. and Mexico.
Now with the physical wall being in thought, The President could possibly see a rise in his U.S. security. The border in question would have a hard time maintaining its flow if someone, or another outside force were to sabotage such a large area, he would have to have over a hundred men on this post, though giving jobs to those in need it could also cause a jeopardy crisis in having immigrants slipping through from undercover guards or oversights. The United States defines its relations with Mexico, directly affects the 12 million people who live within 100 miles of the border. In multiple and very significant ways that have not been acknowledged or understood it will also affect communities all across the United States as well as Mexico.
Many of the maps that would be showing the layout and structure of the border would cover, a border without a fence, many vehicles and or pedestrian forces as a fence, and possibly the Rio Grande. The wall comes with many dire costs, some obvious though hard to estimate, some unforeseen. The most obvious is the large financial outlay required to build it, in whatever form it eventually takes. Although during the election campaign candidate Trump claimed that the wall would cost only $12 billion, a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) internal report in February put the cost at $21.6 billion, but that may be a major underestimate.
The total estimate of the vary so widely sought after wall by many United States Residents would have a terrible halt because of the lack of clarity and true reason about what Trumps Promised wall will actually be a total of beyond the first small and abrupt Homeland Security specifics that it would be either made entirely of solid concrete, or a see through type of structure, physically imposing in height, what is wanted is an ideal over thirty feet in height but no less a more down to earth size of eighteen feet high, they are wanting it to be roughly sunk to about six feet into the ground to prevent tunneling and smuggling under foot. That is should they make it unscalable with even a intelligent set of climbing equipment and that it should withstand prolonged attacks with impact tools, cutting tools, and torches. But that description doesn’t begin to cover questions about the details of its physical structure. Then there are the legal fees required to seize land on which to build the wall. The Trump administration can use eminent domain to acquire the land but will still have to negotiate compensation and often face lawsuits. More than 90 such lawsuits in southern Texas alone are still open from the 2008 effort to build a fence there.
Life of a typical migrant farm worker profile seventy five percent born in Mexico fifty three percent undocumented Scheduled about fourteen hours a day, six days a week, and the pay would be about eleven thousand per year with no overtime pay or benefits, heat stress, infections, poison, respiratory illness. There is little evidence to support such claims. According to a comprehensive National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine analysis, immigration does not significantly impact the overall employment levels of most nativeborn workers. The impact of immigrant labor on the wages of nativeborn workers is also low. Immigrant labor does have some negative effects on the employment and wages of nativeborn high school dropouts, however, and also on prior immigrants, because all three groups compete for lowskilled jobs and the newest immigrants are often willing to work for less than their competition.
To a very high extent however, many undocumented workers often work the unsavory and cruddy jobs those of us do not wish to work for little to nothing such as, back breaking jobs that workers are not willing to do. Areas with bigger numbers of undocumented workers include Farming, construction, manufacturing, care services, and seafood/food processing. The fishing industry for example, is unable to recruit a great number of legal work forces and with such an issue is forced to be overwhelmingly dependent on the undocumented workforce. Jobs such as deboning, and cutting fish is a smelly, exacting chore. Many of these workers rapidly develop carpal tunnel syndrome which is when the bones in your carpals and metacarpals seize up and restrict movement, which can be very painful. It can be a dangerous job, with machinery for cutting off fish heads and flaying knives everywhere frequently leading to surgical problems of amputations on the job. The risk of infections from cuts and the bloody water used to wash fish is also substantial. Over the past ten years, multiple expos?©s have revealed that both in the United States and abroad, workers in the fishing and seafood processing industries, often undocumented in other countries also, are subjected to forced labor conditions, and sometimes treated like slaves.
But opposite to Trump’s claim and Moceris emotional (in a good way) belief, NAFTA has not took off a large number of U.S. jobs. It did force some U.S. workers to find other kinds of work, but the net number of jobs that was lost is (compared to other things) small, with guesses (of a number) changing/different between 116,400 and 851,700, out of 146,135,000 jobs in the U.S. (process of people making, selling, and buying things). Going against these losses is the fact that the two-sided trade helped by NAFTA has had (affecting lots of things in many ways for a long time) positive effects on the (process of people making, selling, and buying things).
The trade agreement eliminated taxes/import taxes on half of the industrial products (that are bought and sold) exported to Mexico from the United States (taxes/import taxes which before NAFTA averaged 10 percent), and eliminated other Mexican protectionist measures also, allowing, for example, the export of corn from the United States to Mexico.
NAFTA has enabled the development of combined production lines between the United States and Mexico and allows the U.S. to more cheaply import parts/pieces used for manufacturing in the United States. Without this kind of cooperation, many jobs would be lost, including jobs given by cars imported from Mexico. In 2016, for example, the United States imported 1.6 million cars from Mexico–but about 40 percent of the value of their parts/pieces was produced in the United States. Leaving NAFTA could endanger 31,000 jobs in the automotive industry in the United States alone. But now that it is threatened with the collapse or renegotiation of NAFTA, Mexico has already begun actively exploring new trade partnerships with Europe and China.
A poisoned U.S.-Mexican relationship could also prevent the renegotiation of water sharing agreements that are very important to (the health of the Earth/the surrounding conditions) as well as to water and food security, and to farming. For example, the 1970 Edge/border Agreement (between countries) between the United States and Mexico specifies that (people in charge of something) from both the U.S. and Mexico must agree if either side wants to build any structure that could affect the flow of the Rio Grande or its flood waters, water that is very important to farm animals and agriculture along the border. The fence was built (even though there is the existence of) Mexico’s objections to it, and because its steel slats become clogged with (many broken pieces of something destroyed) during the rainy season, it has caused floods affecting cities and (before that/before now) protected areas on both sides of the border, resulting in millions of dollars in damages. It wasn’t just Mexico that didn’t want that fence. U.S. farmers and businessmen along the Texas border in the Rio Grande valley argued/against it, too, since it blocks their access to the river water and also increases the extreme harshness of floods. Now the wall is to be brought to flood plain areas in Texas where water issues exactly like these had prevented the construction of the fence before.
Meanwhile, manufacturing, farming, liquid-related (related to underground rock breaking), energy production, and communities on both sides of the border depend on fair and effective water sharing from the Rio Grande and the Colorado River, with both sides able to be hurt by water scarcities. Over the at least 20 years there have been many challenges to the combined agreements controlling/ruling water usage, and both Mexico and the U.S. have at times thought about/believed themselves the angry (about mistreatment) parties. But in general, U.S.-Mexico cooperation over both the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers has been (excellent/very unusual) by international standards and has been hugely helpful to both partners to the different agreements between countries. That kind of cooperation is now at risk.
U.S. State Department could persuade Mexico to release some water, even as Mexican farmers were also facing immense water shortages and devastation. U.S. diplomacy did work, no doubt helped by the rain that replenished Mexico’s tributaries of the Rio Grande. Without the rain, Mexico would not have been able to pay back its accumulated water debt. But without collaborative U.S. Mexico diplomacy and an atmosphere of a closer than ever U.S. Mexico cooperation, Mexico still could have failed to deliver the water despite the rain. That positive spirit of cooperation also produced one of the world’s most enlightened.
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